Army Anger Over Al-Baraa Militia Salaries; Al-Burhan allies Warn Against U.S. Rapprochement – Khartoum Highlight – Africa Intelligence
Weeks after a secret meeting between U.S. envoy Mossad Bolos and Sudanese army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Washington imposed sanctions. The sanctions target Al-Baraa bin Malik Brigade, an Islamist militia closely linked to ِAl-Burhan’s government. It is now a key force against the Rapid Support Forces.
Sudanese Army Allies
The militias allied with the army include Darfur movements, Sudan Liberation Movement–Minni, Justice and Equality Movement, and Islamist groups. The largest of these is the Al-Baraa bin Malik Brigade. It numbers 22,000 fighters and has spearheaded government offensives since early 2025. Though militarily effective, its loyalty to the Muslim Brotherhood embarrasses Port Sudan’s authorities seeking Western engagement.
U.S. Sanctions
On September 12, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned the Al-Baraa bin Malik Brigade and Finance Minister Jibril Ibrahim. Washington accuses both of radical Islamist ties, obstructing ceasefire efforts, and maintaining links with Iran while receiving technical support. The sanctions increased pressure on Sudanese authorities to distance themselves publicly from Al-Baraa fighters. Since May, General Shams al-Din Kabbashi said the army would cut arms supplies to Islamist militias. In August, Burhan announced all militias would strictly remain under the national army’s command.
Continued Cooperation
Despite these assurances, cooperation continues between Sudanese security forces and the brigade led by Musbah Abu Zeid Talha. Talha has strong ties inside Sudan’s military elite. According to Africa Intelligence, the brigade receives funding from Qatar and Turkey, which directly pay fighters’ salaries. This eased Port Sudan’s financial burden but fueled resentment. Army soldiers went unpaid for three months, while Al-Baraa fighters received salaries in March.
Army-Islamist Relations
The army’s ties with Al-Baraa remain deep. Islamist brigades reportedly obtained drones supplied through military intelligence. These advanced arrangements renewed debate on collusion between security leaders and Sudan’s Islamist movement, symbolized by Ali Karti. Karti allegedly has direct links with deputy intelligence chief Mohamed Abbas, controlling supplies to Al-Baraa Brigade. Karti resides in Port Sudan and meets regularly with Burhan and Yasser al-Atta. His presence in the power circle is vital for the army. His secret initiatives strengthened relations with Qatar and Turkey, now key allies of Sudan’s military.
